------------------------------------------ -- EZ A SZÁM CSAK TEXT FORMÁBAN LÉTEZIK -- ------------------------------------------ Date: Tue, 23 Apr 91 21:59:07 CDT Date: Tue Apr 23 22:49:32 EDT 1991 Subject: *** FORUM *** #206 Tartalomjegyzek: ---------------- Felado : pvoros@magnus.acs.ohio-state.edu Temakor: The Economist 4-20-91 cikke Magyarorszagrol ( 89 sor ) =============================================== Felado : pvoros@magnus.acs.ohio-state.edu Temakor: The Economist 4-20-91 cikke Magyarorszagrol ( 89 sor ) - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Az alabbi cikk jelent meg a legutobbi Economist-ban a FIDESZ-rol: "In the headquarters of Hungary's most popular political party, rap music drowns out the noise of typewriters. Denim-clad secretaries write memos on blue and orange paper, the party's colours, while members of parliament present neo-expressionist business cards with a party logo designed to resemble dripping paint. FIDESZ (acronym for Federation of Young Democrats) has only one membership rule: applicants must be under 35. The average age in the FIDESZ parliamentary faction is now 28, and its youngest member was 21 when elected last year. To the dismay of Hungary's older politicians, in a recent poll 31% of those asked said they would vote for FIDESZ if an election were held now, putting the party well ahead of any other. Much of FIDESZ's success comes from being different. To many Hungarians the two main parties, the Free Democrats and the Hungarian Democratic Forum, appear constrained by old ideologies and conflicts. The Democratic Forum descends from a long tradition of Hungarian populists; the Free Democrats are heirs of the early 20th century progressives, often Jewish, who favoured the Europeanisation of Hungary. FIDESZ, founded as an illegal student movement in 1988, is thoroughly uninterested in these historical disputes. Nor, more important, are any of FIDESZ's leaders old enough to have been convers from (or compromisers with) communism. In a country where no one has much experience of democratic politics, it is no handicap to be young. With youth comes radicalism, and in post-communist Europe this means free-market fervour and a preference for fast change over gradual transformation. FIDESZ's policies read like a lesson in the new East European liberal orthodoxy: quick privatisation, immediate dismantling of monopolies, monetarism and reduction of the state's role in everything. The Free Democrats also call themselves liberals, but FIDESZ, with less to lose, consistently takes the bolder position when they disagree. During a ^Lnationwide taxi strike last year FIDESZ stood firmly against the strikers, whereas the Free Democrats at first supported the drivers, and the government, led by Democratic Forum, dithered. FIDESZ is also trying to stop squabbles among the other parties from slowing the progress of economic reform and new legislation. Its recent initiative calls for the six main parties to agree on a timetable for changes. It is easy for FIDESZ - which is not in power - to tell the government that it should be moving faster. Somewhat grumpily, the government coalition has accepted the initiative, noting that the prime minister, Jozsef Antall, has suggested the same thing many times himself. Since the new liberalism also implies a narrower safety-net and a spell of economic hardship, winning wide support is no small feat. But Hungarians seem to like the sound of such radicalism more and more. Although FIDESZ won only 9% of votes in Hungary's first parliamentary election a year ago, its support jumped to 20% in local elections last autumn. The mayor of Miskolc, Hungary's second-largest city, and of Szeged, the fourth-largest, are FIDESZ members. Las year most FIDESZ voters were under 25, but support is spreading among older Hungarians. For the moment FIDESZ leaders are not taking their popularity too seriously, believing that it could disappear as fast as it grew. After all, few Hungarians seem to take politics too seriously, either. At a recent by-election in Kisber, only 10% of the eligible voters showed up; in a Budapest by-election fewer than 19% voted. Both elections had to be held again, resulting in a surprising second-round victory for the Hungarian Socialist (ex-communist) Party in Budapest. Clearly, FIDESZ benefits from not being in power. Some have criticised the party for refusing to join local-government coalitions, accusing it of abdicating responsibility. FIDESZ leaders claim, in response, that they need a year or two before they will be ready to take more of a lead. Their teams of experts and advisers are still small, their activists still number only 15,000, and they may have trouble fielding candidates in every constituency. For FIDESZ, the big question is what will happen when its leaders grow up. Istvan Hegedus, the vice-chairman of the foreign-affairs committee in the Hungarian parliament, fears that dropping the party's age regulations could lead to a split between younger FIDESZ members, who like the spirit and the style of a youth party, and others who want to lead a mainstream liberal party. "We know we must abandon the age limit, but we also know that it will make us seem less original, more like the others." For the moment, says Mr Hegedus, aged 33, "we are trying not to think about it." A cikkhez a FIDESZ egy tavalyi valasztasi plakatja van mellekelve illusztraciokent, ami egy ketreszes kep, a felso reszen Brezsnyev es Honecker csokolja egymast szajon, az also reszen pedig egy fiatal par (termeszetesen FIDESZ felirattal...) es kozepen a felszolitas: "TESSEK VALASZTANI". Sajnos ezt nem forditottak le a kep alatt, csak annyit fuztek hozza: "Kiss of life" !? Udv, Voros Peter =*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=*=